Working in the Community, Working for the Community

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The Taoiseach, Deputy Varadkar, must issue a public apology to homeless families, children and individuals. The Taoiseach’s dishonesty is breathtaking, and he and his Government are homelessness deniers. He deliberately and dishonestly abused an OECD report to deny and downplay the housing and homelessness emergency. The OECD report specifically states that its findings must not be used for comparison purposes. The statistics are not and never were comparable from one country to another. Into the bargain, the statistics are two years old. The Taoiseach must be called out on this issue and must do the decent thing and issue an apology.

Fr. Peter McVerry said today, and I agree with him, that the only solution to this problem of homelessness is to build social housing at a very intensive rate. It is quite obvious that this House and this Government are all talk and very little action. The Government is obviously not doing enough and will continue to put its faith in the private market, which has been a disaster for families. What will the Government’s coalition partner do about this issue? I refer to Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil’s hands are dirty on this issue and they are getting dirtier with every day. It has a supply-and-confidence arrangement with the Government and is keeping it in power. Fianna Fáil has a responsibility to sort out the housing issue once and for all and ensure that the Government builds large-scale local authority housing.

I will support the Bill but the hypocrisy of the Labour Party on this issue is monumental. It was in government for five years and has made the housing and homelessness crisis worse. During those five years, it held the housing portfolio at Minister of State and senior ministerial level and made matters worse.

It is now obvious that major demonstrations of people power will be necessary to ensure that this issue is solved and that large-scale social and affordable housing is built. I also call on the trade union movement to call a one-day general strike on this issue to ensure it is treated with the seriousness it deserves.



Deputy Seamus Healy calls on management in the Boston Scientific Plant in Clonmel to accept a Labour Court recommendation recognising the right of workers in the Medical Devices facility to trade union representation. 
The Labour Court has ruled in favour of workers in this facility being allowed to be represented by their union for the purposes of collectively bargaining on pay and working conditions. However, management has refused to implement the recommendation.

Many Boston Scientific Employees joined SIPTU following an attempt by management to unfairly deduct 20% from their shift pay. Management attempted to make this cut despite many of the workers earning less than the living wage of €11.70 per hour. 

Organised in their union, the workers fought back against this attack, with more than 400 signing a petition indicating their opposition to the move. The company backed down and issued an apology to the workers. 
However, new entrants are still on low pay, earning approximately €22,000 yearly. Other workers have endured a pay cap that has meant they have not received a pay rise in seven years.
It is now well beyond time that the union was recognised and industrial relations in the company put on a reasonable basis.
I again call on Boston Scientific to show respect for their employees as human beings and to grant them trade union recognition.

I will be supporting the workers on the streets of Clonmel this week on Friday 10th November and Saturday 11th November asking the public to sign a Petition supporting the call for Trade Union recognition.

Seamus Healy T.D. 
Tel: 087 2802199 

Deputy Seamus Healy, Chairperson of the Save Our Acute Hospital Services Committee, has welcomed the outcome of yesterday’s collaborative and consultative meeting with officials of the South West Hospital Group and South Tipperary General Hospital.
This process, agreed with Minister for Health Simon Harris on his recent visit, is designed to ensure local input into the delivery of the 40 bed modular unit for the hospital in an efficient and timely fashion.
Since the Hospital Committee’s formation in November 2008 its mission has been “to save, to support and to expand the hospital and hospital services.”
The first part of that mission was successful when, led by the committee, “People Power” of 15,000 people marched on the streets of Clonmel and stopped the H.S.E. from transferring all our acute services to Kilkenny and Waterford.
The Chief Operations Officer of the South West Hospital Group confirmed that a contract in the amount of €800,000 has been awarded for the completion of enabling works and site preparations for the new 40 bed modular unit.
The Unit itself will go to tender this week with a closing date for receipt of tenders of December 1st.
Following examination of tenders received, it is intended to award the Contract at a meeting on 15th December next.
A further meeting, in the Consultative process, with the Save Our Acute Hospital Services Committee and Oireachtas Members will take place in the first week of January 2018 to ensure that the momentum is maintained and the 40 bed unit is delivered on time.
The need for capital investment for infrastructural development at the hospital was also discussed and the Committee welcomed the completion of the Development Control Place for the hospital including the construction of a new 50 bed unit, upgrading of the older parts of the Hospital and the delivery of a newly located and refurbishment Outpatients Department.
The Committee and Oireachtas members expect that capital investment for the hospital will be announced in the Capital Investment Programme shortly and that the Hospital will be included in the 10 year Capital Programme.
The Save our Acute Hospital Services Committee is also aware that the Mental Health Service in the County is not fit for purpose, is underfunded, under resourced and understaffed.
We believe that inpatient mental health services must be returned to the county from Kilkenny and Ennis and that our Community Based Teams must be properly resourced.
To that end, we have arranged for a Deputation to meet with Minister Jim Daly T.D., Minister with responsibility for Mental Health Services to urgently address these issues.
Seamus Healy T.D.
Save Our Acute Hospital Services Committee

Earlier today I spoke on the Nomination of Taoiseach in the Dáil. I did not and will not support cruel capitalist extremism and foreign vulture capitalists or those who have including Minister Varadkar. Don’t be fooled, there is a recovery but it is a recovery for the rich and the fruits of that recovery has gone to the rich over and above the disabled, the homeless and the sick.


Seamus Healy TD


Earlier today we gathered at the memorial in Talbot Street to remember the families of the 33 civilians and one unborn child who died in the Dublin Monaghan bombings on 17th May 1974. The ceremony marked the 43rd anniversary of the bombings by the UVF which killed 34 people in what was the worst loss of life during the Troubles.

The Commission of Inquiry into the bombings under Mr Justice Henry Barron described the attacks as ‘acts of international terrorism that were colluded in by the British security forces’.

I continue to support and commend the tireless efforts of the Justice for the Forgotten who continue to campaign for full disclosure by the British government.



I will be voting no confidence in this Government for a number of reasons. It is now clear that senior gardaí were systematically intimidating whistleblowers. False accusations of sexual misconduct made to Tusla was the first leg of that operation. The second leg of that operation was the dissemination of these allegations through pet crime correspondents who are dependent on gardaí for information to do their jobs. In this way, these allegations were disseminated to other journalists, politicians and opinion formers. The Taoiseach has refused to say when he first learned about this operation. I am satisfied that he and the Tánaiste knew about it. They tried to cover it up and to confine the inquiry to a cosy secret investigation but Sergeant McCabe pulled the plug on them. They were caught out. It is time for the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Garda Commissioner to resign. I believe that a criminal investigation by an external police force chosen by this Dáil should begin immediately in parallel with the tribunal of inquiry.

The Committee of Public Accounts will shortly report that €220 million was lost on the Project Eagle sale and that it was not appropriate for the Minister for Finance, Deputy Noonan, Department of Finance officials and NAMA to meet senior Cerberus representatives in the days prior to that sale. This is but the tip of the iceberg. Massive Irish assets are being sold off at knock down prices to the Government’s international financial friends. People in need of health care are being criminally neglected and hundreds are dying needlessly according to our medical consultants.

At the same time as the Irish super-rich make massive untaxed asset gains – the value of their assets is now significantly higher than at the height of the boom – tenants, mortgage holders and farmers are being evicted by banks and vulture funds, including banks owned by this State.

With regard to housing, the Government has refused to declare a housing emergency and to implement adequate measures to house the homeless and the 100,000 on the housing waiting list. Recent Governments have surrendered all Irish economic sovereignty under the fiscal treaty. Despite what I would describe as a begging letter, the European Union is now refusing to allow the Government to borrow money to put a roof over the heads of our citizens. The wheels are coming off the policy of privatising State companies, combined with the over-reliance on foreign direct investment. The interests of the Irish people have been put completely in the hands of foreign agencies, foreign companies and foreign governments. I say to this Government tonight: go now.

Seamus Healy TD – 0872802199



The man was all shot through that came today
Into the barrack square;
A soldier I – I am not proud to say
We killed him there;
They brought him from the prison hospital;
To see him in that chair…
His wounds were opened out and round that chair
Was one red lake;
I swear his lips said ‘Fire!’ when all was still
Before my rifle spat
That cursed lead – and I was picked to kill
A man like that!

-Liam Mac Gabhann

On this day one hundred years ago, James Connolly, socialist and republican, being unable to stand was instead tied to a chair and shot in Kilmainham jail.
When news of this leaked, it evoked disbelief, anger and pity among the general population.

But Connolly was no naïve revolutionary. He was a military man, having served in the British army and since acted as Commandant of the Irish Citizen’s Army and Commandant General of the Dublin Division during Easter Week. He was a soldier and he died, unafeared, a soldier’s death. Foreseeing his own death in the cause of Irish freedom he said;

“As a Socialist I am prepared to do all one man can do to achieve for our motherland her rightful heritage – independence”

In order to achieve his twin aims of an Ireland that was free and equal for all, he was ready to die. But Connolly was no starry-eyed romantic, rather he was guided by the starry plough and the very real and untapped power of the workers of Ireland united as one.


Connolly read the work of Karl Marx and Friederich Engels and having spent a number of years in America, was very influenced by the radical Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) or “The Wobblies” as they were also known.
At the outset of World War I, Connolly made known his opposition to the war which he saw for what it was- an imperialist’s squabble over control of their colonies, workers being used as pawns in a rich man’s game. These phony calls of imperialist nationalism would eventually lead millions of working class men to their slaughter in the fields of Europe, many of them Irish. Instead Connolly urged his fellow trade unionists not to let workers be ill-used against each other in this patriot game. He realised the real potential of the workers on all sides to work together and instead overthrow their masters. His sentiments on the subject probably best summed up in that rallying cry,

“The great are only great because we are on our knees. Let us arise!”


Having discouraged workers’ involvement in such patriot games as “nationalism” of big powers in World War I, Connolly’s ardent republicanism in Ireland might then seem incongruous. How could Connolly discourage Nationalism and support the cause of Irish nationalism? He rightly distinguished between the nationalism of the oppressed and that of the oppressor.
One of Connolly’s central achievements was his understanding of the Irish struggle for independence in the context of the British colonialism of the day. In his 1897 pamphlet, “Socialism and Nationalism”, he explained this philosophy.

“If you remove the English army to-morrow and hoist the green flag over Dublin Castle, unless you set about the organisation of the Socialist Republic your efforts would be in vain.
England would still rule you. She would rule you through her capitalists, through her landlords, through her financiers, through the whole array of commercial and individualist institutions she has planted in this country and watered with the tears of our mothers and the blood of our martyrs.”

Connolly understood well that rather than being mutually exclusive the causes of socialism and republicanism in Ireland, an oppressed country, were in fact absolutely dependent on each other.

“The Cause of Labour is the cause of Ireland, the cause of Ireland is the cause of Labour”.

Before the ill-fated rising he warned that partition in Ireland would have a regressive impact on the cause of social justice on the whole island of Ireland.

“Such a scheme…would mean a carnival of reaction both North and South, would set back the wheels of progress, would destroy the oncoming unity of the Irish Labour movement and paralyse all advanced movements whilst it endured.”

Connolly had a habit of being prophetic. In the divided Ireland of today, the highest child poverty rates in the UK are to be found in the city of Belfast while the sovereignty of the Republic has effectively been sold to Brussels and the government’s power to provide for the social and economic welfare of its own citizens has been ceded to a foreign power. A new form of colonialism in the 21st century. This further explains how the socialist Connolly was such a committed republican, prepared to die for a 32 County Workers’ Republic.

In his short life, Connolly published a number of books and pamphlets on the questions of nationalism and socialism.


Connolly had a number of children with his wife Lillie and at least two of children became active in socialist republican politics, Nora and Roddy. Nora was a member of the Belfast Fianna and helped found Cumann na mBan. She was also heavily involved in preparations for the 1916 rising, travelling to American to meet John Devoy and smuggling Liam Mellows back to Ireland following his deportation to England. She remained an active republican all her life, taking part in the War of Independence and being imprisoned by the Free State government during the Civil War.

Connolly, being influenced by other prominent socialists at the time, was a fervent feminist. Female volunteers were accepted as full members and combatants in Connolly’s Irish Citizen Army. Indeed, Countess Markevicz was in full command in the College of Surgeons/Stephens Green during Easter Week with Michael Malin as her second.
The campaign for universal suffrage was in full flow during Connolly’s years in Ireland and Connolly was a strong supporter of the cause. Of him Frances Sheehy-Skeffington said,

“Mr. James Connolly… is the soundest and most thorough-going feminist among all the Irish labour men…He has done more, by speech and writing, than any other man to bring about that strong feeling of sympathy for the suffragist cause which now exists among the Irish Labour Party.”

Connolly was not afraid either to tackle the issue of women’s liberation with the Catholic Church exposing the Pope for denouncing the women’s suffrage movement a view which can only have been very unpopular at the time.

Connolly was no stranger to Tipperary and founded the Labour Party with Larkin at the Irish Trade Union Council Congress in Clonmel 1912 which was held in the Workmen’s Boat Club in Irishtown and in the Town Hall.
The Labour Party which he and Larkin founded was an-All Ireland 32 County Labour Party representative of trade unions North and South. The 26-county Labour party of today is but a ruin, due to the damage done by leaders who rejected the Connolly position.

His influence and that of the early labour movement in general was particularly powerful in Munster where the message of equality and fairness spoke to thousands of factory workers and farm labourers in particular. During the War of Independence in the years that followed the rising, Ernie O’Malley wrote of the “red brigandage at large in Munster” where land seizures and take-overs of creameries were common-place. One such take-over took place at the creamery on Suir Island in Clonmel, the “Clonmel Soviet” in the last week of April, 1922.

POST 1916
Connolly’s vision of a future Ireland was an equal Ireland. An Ireland where every person was equal, man and woman, worker and factory owner, where no-one was above anyone else.
A simple idea but a revolutionary one. And an idea which is not universally popular even in the Ireland of today because it changes the status quo.

But the spirit of Connolly lives on in initiatives like the Right to Change movement which we at Workers and Unemployed Action are proud founder members of.

At Workers & Unemployed Action we remember Connolly today and every day. He is the guiding light in our everyday work and the driving force behind each and every campaign we wage for a more equal and just Ireland.
Rest in peace James Connolly.

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